Domination of Chinese-Language Media in Canada Poses National Security Threats

Columnist Gabriel Yiu of Chinese Canadian Concern Group, intervener in the Hogue Commission, argues that PRC-controlled media is fomenting division in Canada's diaspora and skewing geopolitical views

By Gabriel Yiu

The public inquiry into foreign interference has concluded its second round of hearings, with Prime Minister Trudeau testifying for a second time. Now, with closing statements submitted to Commissioner Marie-Josée Hogue, her final report—with key recommendations for the government—is anticipated by year’s end.

This inquiry is of immense importance, offering an unprecedented view into intelligence operations and investigations conducted by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) on foreign interference, while also revealing high-level government actions and missteps.

Documents declassified for the inquiry, along with witness testimonies, confirm that earlier media reports about Chinese interference in Canadian elections were well-founded.

Further underscoring the gravity of these hearings, The Bureau reported yesterday that Commissioner Hogue will hear from two new secret witnesses—identified only as Person B and Person C—who face credible threats to their safety and that of their families. These witnesses are expected to shed further light on how Beijing’s United Front Work Department targets Chinese Canadian politicians and community associations.

The public now has access to about 2,000 documents from this inquiry, while participants have reviewed approximately 4,000. All documents referenced in the public inquiry will soon be publicly available, including some declassified “Top Secret” files.

Among these declassified top-secret documents, one report on Chinese-language media is particularly striking.

This report, labeled "Top Secret" and authored by Canadian intelligence in July of last year, is titled: “CHINA: Domination of Chinese-Language Media in Canada Poses National Security Threats.”

For those familiar with Chinese-language media, is it an exaggeration to consider it a “national security threat?”

According to the intelligence agency, it’s not just a few but the majority of Chinese-language media in Canada that fall under the influence of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP or CPC, as cited in the CSIS document). The document presents six key judgments, though the fourth point is heavily redacted:

1. “Communist Party of China (CPC)-friendly narratives inundate Chinese-language media in Canada. Censorship (including self-censorship) is pervasive, and alternative voices are few or marginalized in mainstream Chinese-language media. This includes both traditional media, such as newspapers, and digital platforms like WeChat.”

2. “The CPC’s strategy to control media operates on two fronts: narrative control and platform control. [redacted] overt and clandestine.”

3. “The CPC limits opportunities for dissenting voices [redacted], provides economic incentives [redacted], and fosters self-censorship [redacted].”

4. “The extensive use of WeChat in Canada poses ongoing challenges. [redacted] Its platform design can amplify misinformation and disinformation that aligns with CPC interests.”

5. “The CPC’s influence on Chinese-language media, shaping public opinion overseas, also supports other activities, including transnational repression and influencing electoral outcomes.”

I believe the Canadian intelligence agency’s assessment is accurate. From my own experience as a commentator since the 1990s, I have observed these shifts.

Back in the 1990s, Chinese media commentary here was relatively free. Criticizing Chinese and Hong Kong politics was not an issue.

However, since Xi Jinping took power, Canada’s Chinese-language media has undergone a profound change. A well-known program, Famous Commentators Discuss Hong Kong, was abruptly canceled after two decades. On other networks, the voices that echo CCP propaganda have grown louder, including those of two commentators who previously served as overseas representatives for the CCP’s Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference.

This is just the surface. Behind the scenes, media owners align with the CCP for business interests. The Chinese consulate can summon media heads for questioning, reprimands, and directives.

Today, most Chinese-language media voices are pro-CCP. News about China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the world generally mirrors Chinese state media, hardly differing from what audiences in Hong Kong and mainland China see. The CCP tightly controls what can and cannot be reported.

Chinese Canadians are often presented with a sanitized view, where NATO “caused” Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the Philippines “instigates” South China Sea conflict, and Hong Kong “thrives” under the National Security Law, while “no Chinese hacking group targets the U.S. or Canada.”

According to CCP propaganda, the Korean War was a U.S. invasion of North Korea, with China intervening for justice. But the truth is that UN forces, including Canada, assisted South Korea against the North Korean and Chinese invasion. This rewriting of history illustrates how distorted Chinese Canadians’ worldview can become if they rely solely on Chinese-language media.

While international and Canadian outlets have covered the mass detention of Uyghurs in internment camps, Chinese-language media tells Chinese Canadians that “Western politicians with ulterior motives” are fabricating these reports to defame China. During elections, the CCP can use proxies in the community and media to attack candidates perceived as “anti-China.”

Earlier this month, the Canadian Parliament unanimously passed a Bloc Québécois motion supporting Taiwan’s participation in global organizations. Yet, this significant move was largely ignored by Canadian Chinese-language media, likely to avoid offending the Chinese consulate.

Similarly, during the 35th anniversary of the June 4th massacre, Hong Kong barred public gatherings due to the National Security Law. Thousands gathered in Vancouver to commemorate, yet most Chinese-language media did not cover the event.

Chinese Canadians influenced by CCP propaganda may develop skewed perceptions and can be easily incited against political figures targeted by the CCP. Those who support Uyghurs, Falun Gong practitioners, Hong Kong democracy advocates, or figures like a former Vancouver mayor who rebuffed the CCP are subjected to relentless attacks.

The CCP’s interference in Canada’s last two federal elections and the Vancouver municipal election has indeed become a national security concern. But how many Chinese Canadians, relying solely on Chinese-language media, are aware that they are being indoctrinated by CCP narratives?

At the inquiry, longtime media veteran Ronald Leung observed:

“Drug policy is a major topic in the Chinese community. Given China’s history, there’s a deep dislike for drug abuse... Another area of divergence is gender identity, crime and safety, the Indigenous issue, and human rights.”

“When China seeks to amplify divisions within Western countries, we see the same amplification in Chinese media in Canada.”

CCP propaganda in Western countries also fuels division and conflict. Racism, animosity towards Black and South Asian communities, and public safety concerns often spread on CCP-controlled social platforms. The goal is to alienate Chinese immigrants from the countries they live in, instilling loyalty to China and promoting a sense of identity that prioritizes China over Canada.

When Chinese individuals identify more with their homeland than with their country of residence, the CCP can readily entice those loyal to China to advance its interests across various sectors, including community, media, politics, government, academia, research, business, and intelligence.